IT is evident that Africa is lagging behind in the evolving Marshal Mc Luhan's vision of "Global Village," as marked by globalisation and global economy - which capture aspects of the contemporary zeitgeist. According to Robert Cox in 'Structural Issues of Global Governance: Implications for Europe" (in a book edited by Richard Falk and Tamas Szentes, titled New Europe in the Challenging Global System, 1997, p. 56), the two principal aspects of globalisation, which together constitute a global economy, are (1) global organisation of production and (2) global finance. With regard to globalisation, Awaka (in 'Globalisation: Curse or Cure," May 22, 2002, p.3) says it is "the term some use to describe the growing worldwide interdependence of people and countries."


According to the magazine, the process has accelerated dramatically in the past decade or so, largely because of huge advances in technology, including satellite television, internet, telephone and microchips. Emeka Abone in "Challenges and Opportunities of Globalisation (in Vanguard of June 13, 2002, p. 35) mentions international trade, finance and investment liberation as the basis of the main aspects of globalisation, and information technology, economic liberalisation and democracy as the driving forces of global village. Thus, he sees this multi-dimensional process (i.e globalisation) as "the process of creating the economic environment that would promote the emergence and growth of a global economy where national boundaries would no longer restrain the flow of commerce and industry. In similar vein, declining barriers to trade, the creation of a control, have been a driving force behind globalisation (see OECD's publication titled The World in 202. Towards A New Age, 1997, p.29). For Donald J. Johnson, former Secretary - General of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), with regard to globalisation and globalised economy and the attendant growing inter-dependence of nations: "We stand on the threshold of new global age, where all societies have the potentials of participating actively in the world trade and investment could flow to all people, where the misery and poverty of much of the developing world could become a closed chapter of sad history, no longer a reality of present" (OECD, 1997 p.7).


Despite the fact that the processes of globalisation and global economy are powerful and dynamic forces for growth and development, it is lamentable that Africa is marginalised in these post - modernist, changing world phenomena - which are seen in some quarters as new agenda in international politics, with the subterranean motive - force of maintaining the status quo, which are not in Third World's interest. This is reflected in the "periherisation" of the continent in the global economy, widening gap between rich and poor countries, poor capital formation, lack of access to Western markets, jigsaw in trade liberalisation, digital divide in terms of information and communications technologies (ICTs) between the developed world and developing countries, persistent unemployment /job losses, unjust policies of Western - dominated international financial institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), low foreign direct investments, mounting debts and neo-colonialistic, exploitative tendencies of multi-national corporations (MNCs) that place emphasis on profit maximisation than development of host countries and safeguarding of the ecosystems.


Expectedly, those problems and others have occasioned rivalry and tension between the forces of globalisation, especially from Western globalists or "one - worlders" and those of localism/regionalism, who are mainly from the developing world. Concerning such unfolding fiery rivalry and the resultant backlash, Awake (May 22, 2002, p.3) observes: "Since 1999, anti-globalisation demonstrations have escalated in size and intensity. In some cases, world leaders now endeavour to hold their summits in isolated areas where protesters will be hard - pressed to disrupt the proceedings." No doubt, these developments could be seen from spates of violent demonstrations and protests by globophobic activists against globalisation, World Bank, IMF and the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in cities like Seattle (December 1999), Davos (February 2000), Melbourne (September 2000), Nice (December 2000), Davos - Zurich (January 2001), Quebec City (April 2001), Barcelona (June 2001), Gothenburg (June 2001) and Cancun (September 2003). Indeed, protests against globalisation and its symbols have gone from bad to worse.


In the light of the indication that Africa is relegated in the vital aspects of global marketplace and globalisation, developed countries, especially the United States, Britain, France, Canada, Japan, Russia, Germany and Italy, should build a new global partnership, which would allow all nations and peoples to benefit from globalisation. Kofi Annan, former United Nations (UN) Secretary-General, had this in mind when he asserted that: "If globalisation is to succeed, it must succeed for poor and rich alike. It must deliver rights no less than riches. It must provide social justice and enhanced communication "(Awake, May 22, 2002, p.II). Essentially, this will require bridging the digital/knowledge gap between the developed world and developing countries, reform of the Bretton Woods Institutions (the World Bank, IMF and WTO), MNCs that are more concerned with sustainable development in Africa than only in making profits, increase in development aid and concession of technology transfer.


Regardless of certain defects of globalisation, it is notable that if the global interconnectivity process is fine-tuned, it could be a force for good for developing countries in Africa. This is for several reasons. One, globalisation could become a force for poverty reduction through integration of African markets into the competitive global economy and mitigation of the risk of marginalisation of weaker economies on the continent. Two, the new ideas of ICTs and bio-technology that have become part of the emblematic features of the brave new world of globalisation could offer greater opportunities for African states by enabling them to take a quantum leap to development. Three, through globalisation, African countries could modernise and transform their decrepit economies, after years instability, mismanagement and corruption, and take steps to economic and political reforms, as forward - looking countries like Ghana, Uganda and Mozambique have done. Four, this post - modernist process could create external market for African products via the WTO treaty on untrammeled tree trade. Five, states on the continent could tap from the benefits of international solidarity and cooperation inherent in the globalisation process, because as Cicero (in Definibus) contended: "We are born to unite with own fellow men and to join in community with the human race." Six, African states could gain from globalisation through its spread of neo-liberal values like democracy, human rights, civil society regeneration, gender equality and so on. And even, if the global interconnectivity process could be well channelled, it could be a positive force for growth of foreign direct investments in Africa, as well as multi-national corporations that would be in the forefront of job creation, poverty alleviation, industrial development, spread of advanced skills and expertise and environmental protection on the continent.


However, for African states to enter into the mainstream of globalisation and liberalised global economy, they have to nurture their unfolding regional trading and economic blocks like Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), Union of Maghreb Arab States (UMAS), Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA). Without doubt, these integrationist blocks, if well-harnessed, could yield dividends and what is only needed to realise these dividends is for them to coalesce and cooperate in order to actualise the much - expected African Economic Community (AEC), which was articulated by members states of the defunct Organisation for African Unity (OAU) based on the Abuja Treaty of 1991.


In fact, in this age of globalisation and globalised economy, Africa has no choice but to accelerate the pace of functional cooperation and collaboration based on the models of David Mitrany and Ernst Haas who envisioned a global system that would be restructured into administrative regimes that will usurp the sovereignty of nation states and enhance cooperation and intergration among states. This kind of arrangement - which, apart from regional bodies like ECOWAS and SADC, includes continental outfit like Africa Union (AU) - is overly necessary for the continent, considering the circumstances and realities of the global economic system of the post - Cold War order, as accentuated by international market competitiveness and formation of vigorous regional blocks like the European Union (EU), the North America Free Trade Association (NAFTA), the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and others.